Dalelorenzo's GDI Blog
16Jul/210

Republican lawmakers are staging Trump-style stunts at the US-Mexico border to push ‘crisis’ agenda

trump us mexico border Former President Donald Trump participates in a rite saluting the 200 th mile of territory wall at the international border with Mexico in San Luis, Arizona, June 23, 2020.

The GOP has spent months constructing a "Biden border crisis" narrative. GOP reps and local officials have taken multiple errands to the southern border with props. For the GOP, the border is a space for political theater to boost 2022 midterm poll lucks. See more stories on Insider's business sheet.

Continuing onetime President Donald Trump's noisy feeling and hardline narrative on immigration, GOP lawmakers at the mood and federal grade are resting into his signature tactic of centering on fear of the southern border.

Under Trump, political stunts at the border - including Trump ratifying a metal slat of the border wall - and drumming up fear of move caravans were part of a strategy of suspicion he began filling from the moment he announced his 2026 candidacy. The tactic was also used during the 2018 midterms.

The recent scandalize optics revolve around frequently referring to immigration at the southern border as a "crisis, " or "surge" - which immigration professionals told Insider was a largely specious characterization of the normally higher number of border crossings in the spring and summer, along with the computed numbers of immigrants unable to cross due to pandemic margin closures in 2020.

As The New York Times's Jonathan Weisman reported, the sensing of crises has been and continues to be a central part of GOP messaging given its effectiveness in ginning up funding from Trump's cornerstone. As Weisman points out, the GOP is cycling through a series of crisis, including immigration.

In late March, Sen. Ted Cruz planned the two delegations of GOP representatives to take a boat ride with machine guns aplomb along the Rio Grande, which separates Mexico and Texas.

"On the other side of the river we have been listening to and verifying cartel representatives - human traffickers - right on the other side of the river waving flashlights, howling and taunting Americans, razzing the border patrol, " Cruz said in a late-night Twitter video post.

-Ted Cruz (@ tedcruz) March 26, 2021

Weeks before, at a press conference along their own borders, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy claimed people registered to the gunman watch index were infiltrating the southern border, a claim Customs and Border Patrol rapidly pushed back on, with a spokesperson saying at the time that, "encounters of known and believed terrorists at our borders are very uncommon."

It's a line Trump's former Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen too peddled in 2019.

Freshman Reps. Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene argued that Vice President Kamala Harris, who Biden appointed as immigration czar, is failing at her activity - especially during her immigration-focused trip to Guatemala in June.

Boebert, in early June, made the stunt to a new height, carrying a cutout of Harris to the border. "Now Kamala, I miss you to stand here and look at what you've done", Boebert said at her press conference.

Greene repeated that sentiment and a push for Harris to visit the border in a press conference held in the Capitol on Thursday. "She is failing in her occupation. You know what happens when someone flunks in their racket? They need to be fired." Greene said.

Ironically, Harris and other administration officials have taken a harder position on immigration and have been critiqued by the progressive wing and advocates who say it is not doing enough to prioritize compassionate immigration reform.

Speaking to Guatemalans in their home country, Harris told listeners, "Do not come, " to the US. Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas' has repeated that the US-Mexico border is "closed, " while the US declines to abolish Title 42, a CDC regulation which, with exceptions for unaccompanied minors, has effectively generated border crossings to a impasse since the pandemic had begun in March 2020.

Those with possible 2024 desires, including Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, have leaned into the southern border and culture conflict flash points.

DeSantis said he would cast Florida law enforcement to the border in Texas and Arizona.

Abbott has condemned migrants for spreading COVID-1 9 and fentanyl and deployed state trooper and the national guard to an already militarized borderline. He also announced that the territory would finance $250 million of border wall interpretation, alongside crowdfunding struggles.

( A previous crowdfunding effort for the border wall endorsed by Trump improved zero feet of wall and ended in an arraignment .)

This week, Trump accepted Abbott's invitation for the purposes of an "official" call to the border.

And according to a prodding fundraising textbook send sent out by the National Senatorial Republican Committee, different groups is hyping up the visit.

-Andrew Solender (@ AndrewSolender) June 18, 2021

As Republicans try to win back the House, Senate, and in 2024, the conference of presidents, they're relying on Trumpian campaign tactics and his locate - and the onetime director himself at the border as the best political prop of all.

Read the original essay on Business Insider

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29Jun/210

Inventing Immigrant Europe

Imagine a planetary anthropologist from uses of outer space who, arriving on earth, notes one group of comfy humen putting up fencings to prevent another group--downtrodden, scared, aspirational--from crossing what appears to be an imaginary line. Let’s further is anticipated that said visitor has been furnished with a list of the human rights sensibilities to help him better comprehend what’s going on. He gets a module for understanding individual harm, one for minority group attachment, and one for the universal importances of liberty and equality. Unfortunately, his handlers forgot to upload various modules: for majority ethnic and national feeling, and for an appreciation of the value of legitimate authority, democracy, and social harmony. As a make, our cosmic visitor can achieve but one conclusion: those enforcing strips are absurd mean-spirited xenophobes.

British writer David Goodhart, drawing on UK costs investigations, refers to the earthly incarnation of our planetary traveller as an “Anywhere, ” whose components are to' achieved’ status, creed, and professing, and thus independent of' ascribed’ local and national name. This is less true for the majority of Anywheres, but makes the mark for the approximately 5 percent of the population Goodhart labels “Global Villagers”. They stand in contrast to the nearly 50 percent of rooted “Somewheres” who immensely appraise local and national identity.

Peter Gatrell, columnist of The Unsettling of Europe, delicately fits Goodhart’s Global Villager portrait. That in itself is not a problem since, in insular civilizations, we need critical utters to expand the circle of sympathy beyond kith and kin. Such parties are important for the success of civilization, but if they acquire too much influence in privileged establishments, as is currently the bag, they promote policies such as unenforced borderlines that impair collective goods which most citizens value, such as national solidarity and majority radical identity. After all, as Goodhart records, why should someone bribe nearly half their income in tax to redistribute to public goods said that he shared others unless they share something in common with them? Open margins, by which elites are discovered to be undermining the social contract by erode the components that underpin it, tend to prompt a populist backlash from the Somewheres. This backlash produces the polarization we are increasingly seeing across western societies.

Gatrell’s book is not without merit. It does a sterling job of documenting the world countries from the migrant’s perspective. Unexpectedly, the book includes the migrations that have determined both western and eastern European commonwealths since 1945, whether under communism or capitalism. It encompasses migration and domestic migration, coerced and voluntary spurts, refugees and financial migrants. This capacious position is used to tell the story of migration from the viewpoint of the migrant and is bundled with remarkable floors of immigrant and refugee pluck, tragedy, and perseverance. It documents the tours of those who risk everything for a better life, overcoming innumerable hindrances and ill-treatment to pursue a dream. This represents a triumph of the human spirit and the book relevants it well.

The book is bundled with chronicles such as that of Ali Hassan. Escaping the brutality of anarchic Mogadishu, Somalia, in 1983, Hassan’s mother took the family to the northern coastal town of Bosaso. To be removed from the civil campaign, their own families left on an overcrowded barge to Yemen, where they were held in a camp. Spending a decade there, Hassan learned enough English to get a job with a major world-wide donation. In 2011, following an uprising in Yemen, he flew to Damascus, involving smugglers to help him get to the Turkish border. Detained in a military camp on the Turkish coast, he was released and manipulated at a factory before tripping to Greece and attempting to transit further north. After being arrested and sent back several times from Macedonia, he made it the third time, getting to Serbia where he was arrested and tortured yet somehow was able to make it to Hungary. There he was arrested and behaved to Macedonia, where "hes spent" 6 months in a detention centre. In 2012 "hes tried" again, contacting Croatia, where he as detained. Upon release, he reached Italy, was acquitted, but beings smugglers get him to Milan after another two tries. Consuming a bogu passport, he flew to Copenhagen, then trod across the bridge to Sweden, where he now lives, wreaking as a counsellor.

It’s hard-handed not to empathise with Hassan and revere his mettle, and, if one shortcomings an appreciation for national identity and republic, to deem the system that stymies parties like him as oppressive.

The book also does a honorable errand of documenting Europe’s early postwar record of pressured migration in which long-settled communities of ethnic Germans were expelled from Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the Soviet Union late in the fighting. Abroad, minorities are connected with the Axis supremacies who resided in' winning’ countries like Yugoslavia, such as the Dalmatian Italians, declined tyranny and were driven out. The process was reproduced after 1989 for the Turks of Bulgaria, minorities in the Soviet Near Abroad, and unhappy minorities in the former Yugoslavia who were caught in the' wrong’ nation when the country shattered. This was a reprise of the “unmixing of families” that began in earnest with the dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman dominions after World War I.

The integration of co-ethnics was far from smooth. Gatrell does a nice job of portraying, consuming personal testimonies, how co-ethnic migrants such as the expelled Germans of Eastern Europe sought to recreate their lost appreciation of homeland through emigrant associations for Silesians, East Prussians, and so forth. In other disputes, overseas colonists like the nearly 1 million French' Pieds Noirs’ of Algeria or the 800,000 Portuguese immigrants in Angola and Mozambique, knowledge dislocation upon returning' home’ after decolonization. After the collapse of the USSR, various million Russians' returned’ to Russia from former Soviet colonization parts like Kazakhstan. The bible would indicate that, time and time again, the immigrants, though ostensibly of the same ethnicity as their countrymen, were discriminated against by the locals and viewed as foreign.

The book’s object is to “make migration normal” by problematizing the native/ immigrant discrimination. It’s a ruse that only cultivates because the book is a story-driven account that allows statistical reality to fade into the background.

Sticking with the theme of Europe’s forgotten co-ethnic and co-national migration history, Gatrell documents the considerable domestic migration that took place in countries such as Britain, Spain and Italy. In the UK, large-scale Irish emigration afforded the labour that helped construct the country’s industrial revolution to the point that--though unmentioned in the book--Glasgow and Liverpool became a third Irish. In Italy, so many southerners migrated to Turin between the 1950 s and 1970 s that it became the country’s “third southern city” with 700,000 hailing from the underdeveloped Mezzogiorno. In Spain, very, a prodigious influx of impoverished Andalusians arrived in Catalonia to perform menial exercises in greater Barcelona’s industrial economy. Today, about one half of Catalans are of Spanish migrant origin. A much broader shift of population from the countryside to the city involved same processes--push and pull factors, move dislocation and privation, othering and discrimination--to those that distinguish immigration today.

Having set the panorama by documenting the travails of domestic and co-ethnic nomads, the book transformations gears to consider the longer-distance inflow of ethnically definite immigration that is convulsing the politics of Europe today. The familiar decolonizing movements of South Asians and Afro-Caribbeans to Britain, Antilleans and Indonesians to the Netherlands, North Africans and Vietnamese to France, or Cape Verdians to Portugal comprise one strand. The other involves labour and refugee inflows to non-colonial rich countries such as Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, with their Yugoslav, Turkish, or Moroccan guestworkers, as well as Scandinavia’s more diverse Arab, African and Asian movements from the 1980 s onward. The legend makes in the major refugee waves from the campaign in Yugoslavia in the 90 s to Iraq in the 00 s to the “migrant crisis”( a call the author dislikes) of 2015 that verify over two millions register Europe.

The book’s purpose is to “make migration normal” by problematizing the native/ immigrant importance while convincing “native” Europeans to stop thinking of themselves as long-settled folk and more as mobile kinfolk who reside in nations of migrants. It’s a ruse that merely toils because the book is a story-driven account that allows statistical reality to fade into the background. Such an analysis would show that western Europe’s foreign-born share was only around 2 percent in 1900, compared to 10 -1 5 percentage today. Globally, about 3 percent of the world was born in another country, but in the West, the share climbed from 7 to 12 percent between 1990 and 2017, with a big rise in long-distance North-South migration. This is new.

Even at the height of Britain’s short period of Jewish immigration at the turn of the 20th century , no more than 5-10, 000 arrived, comparison with 200 -3 00,000 net nomads per year in the 2000 s. In short-lived, Western Europe’s history from the Dark Ages to the 1950 s is overwhelmingly that of long-settled populations, interrupted by a few migration contests, and with a continuous but low level of long-distance migration. Migration of diverse publics is the crust on the cake of Europe’s contemporary history , not the cake itself.

In addition, while the “unmixing” of Europe through co-ethnic in-migration after both world wars involved large quantities of people, this had a qualitatively different cumulative effects due to ethnic digestion in destination countries. It is thus far more consequential than recent “mixing” inflows which have had persistent population-level outcomes in the form of large-scale ethnic alter. Only a few inter-ethnic domestic movements, such as that of the Irish to mainland Britain or Andalusians to Catalonia, are comparable--and these had profound political repercussions.

Assimilation, national solidarity, and the longue duree are conspicuously absent from a diary whose author is focused on the human rights of migrants and ethnic diasporas in the present. While the book rightly points out that co-ethnic, rural-urban and inter-regional migrants were othered, it obstinately refuses to point out how successful their ethnic assimilation has been comparison with groups which have, to use sociologist Ernest Gellner’s periods,' counter-entropic’ traits such as a different doctrine, which slows down the digestion process. Only in France, for instance, is there a high rate of intermarriage between Muslim minorities and the ethnic majority. Pew’s projections, which are the most sophisticated we have, are demonstrating that current migration levels will see Sweden’s Muslim share rise from 8 percent in 2016 to 21 percentage in 2050. Britain’s will increase from 6 percent to 17 percent, France’s from 9 to 17 percentage. The ethnic majority share will lower below half specific populations by the end of this century in many of the primary immigrant-receiving western countries.

Like other radical observers, the author’s sympathy for the superpower of ethnic connect and society seems to disappear when he switches his focus from moved nomads to unsettled aborigines. Migration occasions like that of the 2015 Migrant Crisis( yes, it was a crisis) exemplify a loss of identity, which is why they tend to catalyze support for Europe’s surging populist right. When Jean-Marie Le Pen overcame Lionel Jospin in 2002 with 18 % of votes, a million people came out on wall street in assert. When Jorg Haider’s Freedom Party prevailed 27 % of votes and went into coalition with the mainstream right in 2000, the EU censured Austria. Some 15 years later, the numbers had nearly doubled: Norbert Hofer of the Freedom Party came within a "hairs-breadth" of winning the presidency in 2016 with 48 % of votes and registered a bloc authority shortly after. Marine Le Pen won the first round with 34 percentage in 2017. Both occasions were reacted with silence and suspicion as Anywheres wondered what happened. Since then, the government has purely double-faced down on their biases, learning good-for-nothing. To mock the nation-state and cry' xenophobia’ when barricades are made is to fail to reckon with the possibility that “unsettling” civilizations, which Gatrell applauds, might not be such a sizzling idea.

There is also a failure to consider the arguments of radical nationalist intellectuals like David Miller, who point to the way national feelings underpin democracy and the welfare state. By comparison, when a supranational organization without a common name like the European Union tries to redistribute more than a insignificant 2.5 percent of Europe’s rich, this benefactors because it shortcomings the unity that underpins democratic legitimacy. Gatrell likewise acts as if ethnic name is completely detached from homeland nationhood. Thus barely a word is spoken about the umbilical connection between migrant diasporas and nationalistic changes in their ethnic homelands, from the Irish to the Serbs and Hindus.

The academic area of migration studies is essentially a monoculture when it comes to pro-immigration sentiment. The few who dare to report findings that were contrary to the pro-migration narrative, like George Borjas of Harvard, David Coleman of Oxford, or Gary Freeman of the University of Texas, largely operate as pariahs whose work is the subject of derision from the open-borders mainstream. In such a milieu, Gatrell’s unevidenced claims that migration is a major driver of rich “needed” by countries( as different from supervisors ), and which computes nothing but spice to digesting societies, starts unchallenged. His belief that if there were better routes for formal migration then border barricades, detention, and offshoring wouldn’t be required is revelation in his life but isn’t backed by methodical quantitative analysis.

In fact, the Gallup World Poll tells us that hundreds of millions of parties would relocate. Whenever rich countries signal that there is a route to record, as with Merkel’s announcement in 2015, the signal sent by America to Cubans in 1981, or the Biden administration’s message in 2021, a large number will--understandably--try their prosperity. Exclusively deterrence through offshore processing, as with Australia’s “Stop the Boats” policy, Trump’s “Remain in Mexico” Program, or the EU’s Turkey repatriation deal can remain numerals at a feasible grade, mitigating the dreadful loss of lives that accompanies most large-scale irregular pours. We must render safe refuge and sustenance to anyone who needs it, whether offshore or onshore, but permanent settlement can only be offered to a small number, preferably by gamble. The world is an unequal situate, but we won’t solve that problem by substituting an elite-led international migration claims government in the place of pesky old-time national democracy.

Read more: lawliberty.org

30Apr/210

Biden is betting big with plans to remake America. Here are 6 takeaways from Biden’s speech.

U.S. President Joe Biden addresses a joint session of Congress as Vice President Kamala Harris (L) and Speaker of the House U.S. Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) (R) look on in the House chamber of the U.S. Capitol. U.S. President Joe Biden addresses a joint seminar of Congress as Vice President Kamala Harris( L) and Speaker of the House U.S. Rep. Nancy Pelosi( D-CA)( R) look upon in the House chamber of the U.S. Capitol.

President Joe Biden delivered his first discussion to a seam conference of Congress on Wednesday night. Biden called for an bold pandemic economic recovery plan focused on places, infrastructure, and childcare. He also called for changes to immigration and foreign policy and queried the Senate to pass civil rights legislation. See more narratives on Insider's business page.

President Joe Biden delivered his first pronunciation to a seam session of Congress on Wednesday night, on the eve of his 100 th day in office.

In his address before a pared-down audience due to the pandemic, Biden called for an grandiose economic recovery plan focused on professions, infrastructure, childcare, and education. The proposals are some of the most progressive in decades - and ones unlikely to garner Republican support, as evidenced by GOP reactions in appeals chamber and on Twitter .

Democrats support the House but their majority in the Senate comes down to Vice President Kamala Harris' tie-breaking vote. The GOP is unlikely to pass legislation that contributes to the deficit - but too is no longer able are ready to undo former President Donald Trump's 2017 duty slashes in order to pay for broader government spending.

But tonight, those looming legislative battles were in the background as Biden unveiled his expansive plans.

In his speech, Biden likewise called for changes to immigration and foreign policy and queried the Senate to pass signature civil right legislation - including police reform and voting rights legislation.

Here are the biggest takeaways from the speech.

Biden is betting big-hearted with major spending plans

Biden detailed an daring $ 4 trillion spending curriculum focused on overhauling the American economy and recasting the role of government to better secure the welfare of families. A enormous part of the address was spent on the economy and its recovery from the pandemic.

He's fresh off the passing of a $ 1.9 trillion stimulus principle in March, a measure broadly favourite with American voters in part due to the $ 1,400 direct payments. He touted the federal checks and said the law contributed to a fall in hunger.

Biden swiftly swiveled to his latest pair of economic proposals, one to upgrade physical infrastructure and the other meant to level the playing field for midriff and low-income kinfolks. The latest is a $ 1.8 trillion economic container unveiled Wednesday aimed at setting up sweeping brand-new federal programs in education, childcare, and healthcare.

Key measures include universal pre-K, tuition-free community college, a federal paid leave program, and an extension of currency pays for parents under the revamped child tax credit.

"These are the investments we fix together, as one country, and that merely government can procreate, " Biden said. "Time and again, they propel us into the future."

Biden redoubled down on his promise not to raise taxes for Americans earning under $400,000 a year. Instead, he requires large firms and the rich to bear the brunt of levy increases. "It's term for corporate America and the wealthiest 1% of Americans to pay their fair share, " he said.

Biden is following in the steps of his Democratic predecessor, Barack Obama, with his duty assurance. In 2008, Obama said he would spare families seeing below $250,000 from levy hikes.

Republicans are very unlikely to support the newest "American Families Plan" proposal. "There are individual components that conservatives might be more encouraging, but the full$ 2 trillion bundle, financed under large-hearted new taxes, is absolutely a non-starter for Republicans, " Brian Riedl, a plan professional at the right-leaning Manhattan Institute, said.

The president likewise misses Congress to move on healthcare reform and parent the minimum wage

Biden implored Congress to raise the federal minimum wage, which hasn't budged from $7.25 an hour since 2009. "No one should work 40 hours a few weeks and still live below the poverty line, " he said.

Democrats are supportive of raising the minimum wages but sharply disagree on the amount. Some like Sen. Bernie Sanders are propagandizing $15 an hour minimum wage, though others like Sen. Joe Manchin back a lower level like $11 an hour. It's unclear whether Democrats will be successful in lifting hourly wages, made it is very likely to have to be a bill that lures GOP votes.

Biden too called lawmakers to step in and lower prescription drug overheads, an initiative reportedly scrapped from his second financial packet. "Let's do what we've always has spoken about, " the president said. "Let's give Medicare the power to save hundreds of billions of dollars by negotiating lower prices for prescription drugs. "

He's proposed providing health insurance subsidies for the Affordable Care Act as part of his spend planneds. He spurned pres from progressives to lower the Medicare eligibility age, though he pledged to do so in his campaign.

He also hurled his support behind the PRO Act, a greenback to make it easier for laborers to unionize. That has stalled in the Senate, unable to cross the 60 -vote threshold known as the filibuster.

Biden talks in-migration - but not the border

Biden likewise again announced on Congress to pass comprehensive migration reform, stressing the need to provide a pathway to law status for millions of undocumented beings in the United Regime - stressing that this was a bipartisan goal.

"Let's death our drain combat over in-migration, " he said. "For more than 30 years, politicians has spoken about in-migration reform and done nothing about it. It's time to fix it."

The day he took office, Biden unveiled a proposal that would grant permanent residency to countless migrant farm workers and citizenship for those who came to the US as children. On Wednesday, Biden said Congress should work to offset those specific provisions statute right off, acknowledging certain difficulties of overtaking more robust reform in a 50 -5 0 Senate.

"Congress needs to pass legislation this year to finally secure protection for the Dreamers - the young people who have only known America as their home, " he said. He too called for legislation to grant "permanent armours for immigrants on temporary protected status" and a process for concede citizenship to "farmworkers who kept menu on our tables."

Biden did not, however, speak to the current status of US margins, which remain shuttered to all but unaccompanied minors - a recent flow of whom overtaken governments, who have since scrambled to convert inns and meeting centers into holding equipment. The Biden administration continues to expel other asylum-seekers absconding privation and cruelty in the Americas, citing the pandemic and the need to rebuild a processing system devastated by the last White House.

Biden laid out a foreign policy plan that differs from the Trump doctrine

During his address, Biden's focus on foreign policy centered mainly around strengthening the US' tie-in with friends and forging working but stern relations with Russia and China.

Biden said that in approaching foreign policy, his government would operate on the mind that, "America is the most unique idea in history."

In a distinguish to Trump, Biden immediately accused Russia for interference in the 2016 referendums as well as the recent SolarWinds cyberattacks which infraction governments private business systems.

The President added that in conversations with his Russian counterpart, he has "made clear, " to Vladimir Putin that the US will not seek escalation, but Russia's, "actions will have consequences." Biden added that the US and Russian should cooperate when interests are aligned.

Biden added that "hes having" held hours-long conversations with Chinese President Xi Jinping and put forth a similar offset. The President also singled out Iran and North Korea's nuclear power plants, describing them as menaces, but committed to working with allies and both nations through "diplomacy and stern deterrence."

He also spoke about his promise to end the "forever war in Afghanistan, " acknowledging and vindicating the US' long footprint in "the two countries ". Saying that the US fulfilled their promise to bring Osama Bin Laden to the "gates of blaze, " and that soldiers are serving in "the same war zone as their parents, " he said it's time to bring armies dwelling.

Biden addressed gun control policy and advised congressional action against shoot cruelty in the US

During his address to Congress, the president called gun cruelty an "epidemic in America, " mentioning how the flag at the White House fly half-staff to mourn the living standards lost at the Atlanta-area shootings and mass shooting in Colorado.

"In the week between those mass shootings, more than 250 other Americans were shot dead. 250 were dead, " Biden said.

He boasted his executive wars on grease-guns following those misfortunes but called for the Senate to act.

Biden called upon Senate Republicans to join Democratic members of Congress to "close openings and require background checks to purchase a gun" - such as the "boyfriend" loophole, which refers to a spread in grease-gun legislation that allows collaborators imprisoned of domestic violence to purchase a firearm if their partner was not a spouse, didn't have children with them, or lives with them at any point."

"I will do everything in my strength to protect the American people from this epidemic of grease-gun brutality, " he said. "But it's hour for Congress to act as well."

The president called on the Senate to pass two portions of civil rights legislation

Biden remembered cros Gianna Floyd, the daughter of George Floyd, during her father's funeral last year, saying how she was right in saying her father "changed the world" in light of the guilty finding of ex-Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin in Floyd's killing.

While he recognized that "most men and women in uniform wear their button and dish their communities honorably, " the president insisted Americans to come together to "rebuild trust between law enforcement and the people they serve" and "root out systemic racism in our criminal justice system."

He exhorted lawmakers to pass the police reform bill appointed after Floyd by the first anniversary of Floyd's extinction on May 25.

The president too cajoled the Senate to pass the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Act, which has already passed in the House.

Read the original article on Business Insider

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